By David Denborough
November 2nd 2002As these words are being written, the machinery of war is being prepared.
Warships, weapons and military personnel are beginning to encircle Iraq.
Meanwhile, voices from the USA, England and Australia are attempting to shape
the opinion of people in those nations and abroad so that this imminent war will
be endorsed, accepted, even seen as desirable.
It seems a time in history when ordinary Australians, such as myself, have a
responsibility to determine whether we wish to sanction this upcoming war,
whether we are willing for it to occur ‘in our names’. It seems we have
responsibilities to inform ourselves about the issues involved, to talk with
those we trust and respect, to consult widely and to come to our own decisions.
As our elected government is encouraging us to believe that it is a time for
war, it seems a critical moment for us to actively participate in this
democracy.
It also appears as if this participation is taking place. People in different
parts of Australia and around the world are meeting, talking, thinking, writing
and trying to play some part in contributing to different ways of understanding
recent events, and to propose different responses other than further acts of
aggression and violence. Here, in Australia, we are also in the midst of coming
to terms with the recent bombing in Bali and this has resulted in new forms of
collective grieving and remorse, as well as a heightened determination to do
what we can to prevent further acts of terror.
Times of crisis are times of contribution. Personally, whenever war is
imminent, a sadness descends. I can never quite believe that it is happening
until someone starts dropping the bombs and the coded words for loss of life
begin to be spoken. I know that if I cannot find some way, some small way, of
contributing to an alternative direction, then that familiar sadness will begin
to accompany me everywhere.
Here, I have tried to write a short piece as one small contribution to
conversations on this issue. Having consulted as widely as I have been able, and
after considerable thought and discussion, I have tried to articulate here a
number of reasons why I (and many others) wish to prevent Australia’s
participation in a war against Iraq. I have tried to clarify why I wish to be a
part of a movement to prevent Australia supporting a military strike on Iraq – a
military strike that appears imminent.
I’d certainly welcome any correspondence on these matters, particularly from
other Australians. And I’d love to know of the different contributions around
these issues that are taking place in your family, community, workplace. They
need not be large contributions, in fact sometimes it is the smallest, most
local contribution that sparks the greatest hope.
I wish to prevent Australia’s participation in a war against Iraq because:
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The war being proposed is of a ‘pre-emptive’ or ‘aggressive’ nature – in
other words, it will be a war declared on a country that has not declared war
upon us. While the Iraqi regime may pose an ongoing threat to elements of its
own population, and in the future could pose a wider threat if
circumstances were to enable this, I believe that to give sanction to (and
participate in) the bombing and invasion of a sovereign nation, that has not
attacked nor declared war upon us, is a far greater threat to world
peace and relationships between peoples.
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Involving Australia in such a war would endanger the lives of young
Australian service men and women. A quick review of our history as a nation is
enough to demonstrate that Australia has sent enough of our young men to wars
on behalf of, and in support of, other nations. Our soldiers have fought in 19
such wars and as a result 62,000 Australians were lost in WWI, 40,000 in WWII,
339 in the Korean War and 520 in Vietnam. In my view, this is not a time to
risk the lives of further young Australians.
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Such a war would further devastate a country that is already in a terrible
state. A decade of Anglo-American bombing (1,800 bombs have been dropped on
Iraq since the ‘end’ of the 1990 Gulf war) and economic sanctions have reduced
Iraq to one of the poorest societies on Earth. A nation that once had a high
level of literacy and an advanced health care system is now devastated.
According to UN figures of 2001, some 60% of the population have no regular
access to clean water and UNICEF has estimated that the number of small
children who have died due to the effects of the blockade at 500,000. How can
we in good faith support the bombing of a nation of people who already
struggling in relation to basic health and education?
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Most Australians know very little about Iraq, its history, its people, and
its contributions to global culture. Few Australians realise that Iraq was
once known as Babylon, home of the legendary hanging gardens, or that the
‘three wise men’ referred to in the Christian bible were probably from
Baghdad. Before declaring war on a country, I feel it is at least our
responsibility as a people to know whom and what we are declaring war upon. We
do not know this now.
- Firstly, that the Iraqi regime possesses weapons of mass destruction and
that these pose a grave danger to Australia’s allies and
therefore to ourselves.
- Secondly, that a change of regime in Iraq will greatly benefit the Iraqi
people, the Middle East and the broader world and that a war is the only way
to bring this regime change.
- Thirdly, that a war on Iraq is necessary to further the ‘war on terrorism’.
- Fourthly, that in order to guarantee our safety as a nation, we need to
align ourselves strongly with the USA. We need to ensure that if we are
threatened the US will come to our aid and therefore we need to support them
by participating in a war against Iraq.
Here I will try to respond to each of these arguments separately.
Weapons of mass destruction
Most of us would agree that the possession of weapons of mass destruction
by any state is a cause of great concern. At present, the following states are
known to possess nuclear weapons – the USA, Britain, China, India, Pakistan,
France, Russia and Israel. I am less clear about the countries which have
chemical and/or biological weapons, because governments are less open about
such matters. I completely agree that we all ought to be working towards the
removal of all weapons of mass destruction. In the case of Iraq, it is clear
that there was a time that that nation did have nuclear, chemical and
biological weapons programs.
We are now hearing greatly divergent reports as to whether Iraq is
currently in possession of weapons of mass destruction, and/or whether Iraq
currently has programs to develop such weapons. Having read what is available
in the public domain, in my opinion (and it is an opinion) the most convincing
and thorough information about current Iraqi capabilities are provided by
Scott Ritter, the former UN Weapons Inspector. In the book, ‘War on Iraq’
(Ritter & Pitt 2002), Ritter maintains that Iraq does not currently have
operational weapons of mass destruction as the programs for these were
thoroughly and successfully dismantled by the weapons inspector teams from
1991-1998, and nor could Iraq develop such weapons quickly or without this
being noticed by the constant surveillance that Iraq is currently under. While
Ritter maintains that vigilance is required in relation to ensuring that Iraq
does not re-develop their weapons of mass destruction, he is clear and
convincing (to me at least) in making the case that a war is not necessary to
ensure this. Instead, he suggests that a re-entry of weapons inspectors would
be the logical course of action.
Australia is not in possession of weapons of mass destruction but at
present does allow US ships that are carrying nuclear weapons into Australian
waters and ports. Australia also sells uranium that may be used in the
creation of weapons of mass destruction. Australia also hosts a number of US
bases that are intimately involved in the planning and operations of American
weapons of mass destruction. As we maintain a vigilance towards Iraq not
re-developing weapons of mass destruction, perhaps this is also a time in
which Australia can play a part in questioning our own participation in the
creation, planning and coordination of weapons of mass destruction.
Regime change
It is commonly acknowledged that the regime headed by Saddam Hussein has
been responsible for gross human rights violations within Iraq and the deaths
of many thousands of Iraqi Kurds and Iraqi Shi’a Muslims. The invasion of
Kuwait by Iraq in 1990 is also understood by many as an act of gross injustice
(this is, however, a more complex matter due to the histories of the region
and the fact that Kuwait was a part of Iraq prior to 1922). Few people would
disagree that the regime of Saddam Hussein has been and continues to be an
oppressive, authoritarian and violent regime.
Is it the role of Australia to support and participate in a war to bring
about a change of regime in Iraq? Does being a ‘democratic’ country give us
the right to declare war on ‘non-democratic’ countries? I don’t believe so.
While I don’t think there is anything wrong with Australia wishing to foster
democratic ideals and processes in Iraq, to try to depose with military force
the regime of another country violates the very principles which are
supposedly being fought for. To wage war, to bomb and then invade a country
for the reason of toppling the country’s regime seems a very unlikely method
by which to foster democracy.
What is it that the US is envisaging when it talks about a regime change in
Iraq? The majority of Iraqis are Shi’a Muslims (60%) – the same religious
grouping as Iran, which is viewed by the American government as a centre of
‘anti-American Islamic fundamentalism’. The second largest grouping are Kurds
(23%). The third grouping, which makes up the current regime, are Sunnis
(17%). Saddam Hussein and his secular Sunni regime have conducted a long
campaign against the Shi’a Muslims in Iraq. While the overthrow of Saddam
Hussein would obviously result in a ‘regime change’, what the change would be
is not openly discussed. Perhaps one of the reasons this is so is because it
is highly unlikely that the US would enable a Shi’a Muslim majority to attain
power in Iraq as this would mean that Shi’a Muslim representatives controlled
two fifths of the world’s oil reserves (Iran and Iraq). I don’t mean to imply
that there would be anything wrong with Shi’a Muslim representatives being in
power in Iraq, and I don’t mean to suggest that if there was a democracy in
Iraq that everyone would vote according to cultural or religious groupings.
What I do mean to question is whether at this moment in history it is likely
that the US, Britain and Australian governments will enable a genuine
democracy to form in Iraq. Supposedly, the US, Australia and Britain have some
plan as to what a regime would look like after Hussein, but it seems unlikely
to me that this will be a democracy as we understand the term.
While there is no doubt that the current regime in Iraq is oppressive and
violent, if we see ourselves as justified to bomb and invade sovereign
countries because we have decided that there ought to be a regime change, this
seems to me very worrying and frightening. It also seems to undermine one of
the basic principles of ‘democracy’, which is respect for other nation states
and for the sovereignty of other peoples.
War on terrorism
Since September 11th, responding to ‘terrorism’ has quite
rightly become a key priority for Australia, as it has become for many
countries around the globe. The recent Bali bombing has highlighted, in a
tragic way, the urgency of addressing and preventing further acts of terror.
We have been told that taking military action against Iraq will somehow reduce
the risks of future terrorism, but is this true?
Immediately after September 11th the key focus on addressing
terrorism was on Al Qaeda - the organisation led by Osama Bin Laden and linked
to a range of recent terrorist acts. Although there is no firm evidence yet
available, there are also suspicions that Al Qaeda was linked to the Bali
bombing (via Jemaah Islamiah). By all accounts, it seems that Al Qaeda poses a
significant threat which needs to be responded to. Pursuing Al Qaeda was the
justification given for the bombing of Afghanistan and the toppling of the
Taliban regime.
How does the imminent war on Iraq fit with this picture? Despite the
comments made by some US leaders, there seems to be no evidence whatsoever
linking Iraq with the events of September 11th, the Bali bombing,
or Al Qaeda. This is not surprising because Saddam Hussein is a secular
dictator who has spent the last thirty years crushing Islamic fundamentalism.
There are current Iraqi laws that provide for an immediate death sentence for
prosletysing in the name of Wahabbism (Osama Bin Laden’s religion). Far from
being allied, Osama Bin Laden and Saddam Hussein view each other with
considerable enmity and as direct opponents.
This is not to say that Iraq has never been involved in terrorism. Iraqi
terrorists have been used in relation to Iran, Syria and Iraqi opposition
members overseas, but in terms of posing a threat, through links with Al Qaeda,
to Australia, or the US for that matter, this seems highly improbable.
It seems agreed by most Australians, particularly after the Bali bombing,
that we must respond to the issue of terrorism in apprehending those
responsible for the recent acts of terror, and in reducing the likelihood of
further attacks. But surely we ought to focus our efforts, resources and
personnel on our own regional security issues, on pursuing Al Qaeda
(especially if they are found to be linked to the Bali bombing), and on
engaging meaningfully with our neighbouring countries, rather than waging war
on Iraq, a secular Arab regime. I simply cannot see how Australia’s
participation in a war with Iraq at this time will contribute to reducing the
threat of terrorism, in fact, it could quite easily increase the risk of
further de-stabilising the Middle East and inflaming radical Islamic
fundamentalism, while weakening our moral authority in our own region.
Being a good ally to the US
A further reason being offered by some commentators here in Australia is
that we must support a US-led war on Iraq in order to ensure US support if our
security is threatened in the future. While depending upon the US as a ‘big
brother’ type figure may seem reassuring, we believe that to simply support US
foreign policy (especially if this policy includes war) for this reason is to
do an injustice to ourselves, to our relationship with the US and to the rest
of the world. To declare war on another country, to sanction the killing of
thousands of people in another land, for the reason of shoring up support for
ourselves in a possible future conflict is an act of corruption.
Besides, if as it would appear, Al Qaeda poses a significant threat to the
US, to Australia and to other nations then there are other ways in which we
can be good allies not only to the US but also to our Asian neighbours and to
the rest of the world. It seems that a group like Al Qaeda is more likely to
be dismantled through careful intelligence and diligent police work – rather
than through military force. As a nation, there are many roles that we can
play including information gathering, intelligence and police work.
It also seems likely that altering the conditions that are generating
anti-western sentiment throughout the Arab world would be constructive in
reducing the ability of groups like Al Qaeda to recruit new members. Our
nation could contribute to rigorous debate around these issues. Particularly,
we could investigate the possible links between state terrorism (the violence,
militarism and inequity perpetuated by governments) and the terrorist acts of
non-state groups and ways of preventing both forms of terror. We could
endeavour to try to contribute in constructive ways to seeking a solution to
the current crisis in Israel/Palestine. And we could seek to ensure that in
our government’s responses to these issues, every person’s life is valued in
the same way, regardless of their country, culture or religion.
Supporting the US in a war on Iraq is not the only option for our ongoing
security, in fact, in many ways it may reduce our future safety. There are
many other ways in which Australia can act to try to protect ourselves and
other nations from further violence and conflict. We can look to the actions
of one of our nearest neighbours, New Zealand, who are seeking to take a moral
and independent approach to this issue, and we can show our solidarity and
support to the hundreds of thousands of people in the US who are doing what
they can to prevent this imminent war.
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Such a war is likely to make Australia less safe, not more safe. By
participating in an unjustified war against an Arab, and largely Muslim
country, Australia will likely become a target for retaliatory violent actions
by terrorist groups.
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As a country aligned with ‘European / Western / American’ interests in
terms of foreign policy and trade policy, we have a responsibility to know
more about the history of British / US trade and military action in the Middle
East - especially in relation to the region’s vast oil reserves. It doesn’t
seem as if there has been sufficient informed public debate about the effects
and implications of these recent histories. Prior to any decision about
engaging in another war in the Middle East, surely the Australian public first
of all needs to be aware of and debate these broader histories and their
implications in the present.
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As a nation, Australia is only now beginning to come to terms with the
history and ongoing effects of dispossession, supremacy and violence enacted
by white Australians in relation to the traditional owners of this land
(Aboriginal peoples). While this issue may not at first appear relevant to the
question of supporting a war on Iraq, I believe that they are linked. To
support and participate in a war declared upon a country that has not
threatened us, nor attacked us, is to return to the sort of righteous,
misinformed action that we as a nation have tried so hard to move away from.
We have learned so much about the devastation caused by past reckless actions.
We have learnt enough, I hope, to know that it is wrong to declare war and
invade a nation that has not declared war on us.
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Finally, I sincerely believe that this historical moment offers an
opportunity to us as Australians, to develop our own ethical principles with
which we wish to participate in world events. Australia has a proud history in
relation to participating in creating alternative structures to mediate
between nations. Rather than simply following the US and/or Britain into yet
another war, this may be a time when we can carve out our own uniquely
Australian response to what is a complex and difficult time. Just as we have
created our own ways of responding to the trauma and grief of the Bali
bombing, so too we can find our own ways to link with others to counter the
challenge posed by acts of terrorism.
This piece of writing is one small contribution made in the hope of averting
Australian involvement in a war on Iraq. In these worrying times, we all have
contributions to make - from talking with friends and family, keeping informed,
sharing writings with others, participating in local events, writing to
newspapers, calling radio stations, reaching out and making links to Arab and
Muslim neighbours / colleagues…
I look forward to hearing your reflections on this writing. More
significantly, however, I look forward to hearing about your contributions,
whether they be talking with your children, writing a letter or email to a
friend, or letting your local representative know that this is an issue that is
meaningful to you.
Knowing that we are all taking small steps at times like this is what offers
a sense of hope. I am imagining you as you read these words, and your (imagined)
company is sustaining me.
Reference
Ritter, S. & Rivers Pitt, W. 2002. War on Iraq: What team Bush doesn’t
want you to know. Profile Books. London
Notes
1. If you are interested, I have recently written and recorded a song (A
song for Australia) as a response to the Bali bombing. It can be downloaded
from this website.
2. UN Report on the Current Humanitarian Situation in Iraq, March 1999
3. UNICEF, Iraq Survey shows Humanitarian Emergency, 12 August 1999
4. Australian naval ships have been actively involved in the blockade of Iraq
without the general public having any appreciation of the effects of this
blockade on the lives of the Iraqi people.
5. As one would expect, there have been many attempts by those who are
advocating a war on Iraq to negate Scott Ritter’s perspective. While I have read
many attempts to discredit his character, I have come across nothing that to my
mind refutes the detailed information he provides, nor that undermines his
thoughtful analysis on this topic.