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Challenging the Culture of Consumption:
Rites of passage and communities of acknowledgement1
by Michael White
We routinely experience extraordinary encouragement to engage in the
consumption of various substances in daily life, many of which are addictive. It
could be said that contemporary culture is a 'culture of consumption'. There is
an ever-increasing range of these substances available to us, the consumption of
which is put to many different uses that are shaped by many different
circumstances. For some persons, the quantity and/or the addictive nature of the
substances they are consuming - whether they be legal, illicit or by
prescription - becomes a problem to them and/or to others. When this is the
case, these persons often find themselves consulting professional therapists.
In these consultations, persons are often oriented to questions like: 'Why
can't I stop taking these drugs?' or 'Why can't I resist alcohol?' Confronted by
questions such as these, therapists who have an appreciation of the extent to
which ours is a culture of consumption are likely to suggest the exploration of
other questions: 'Why is it that some persons don't take drugs?', 'Why is it
that some persons don't take more drugs than they do?', or 'Why is it that some
persons don't consume excesses of alcohol?'. The exploration of questions like
these gives emphasis to the many cultural forces that are inciting of an
excessive consumption of a range of different substances. These questions, and
others like 'How, under these circumstances, is it possible for you to have this
desire to break your life from this substance?' or 'How, under these
circumstances, have you been able to nurture this possibility of an alcohol free
life?' also open possibilities for the exploration of some of the more sparkling
facts of persons' lives that have been overshadowed and rendered
invisible. And the exploration of these facts contributes to the development of
accounts of the counter-plots of persons' lives - for example, of 'resistance to
substance abuse', and of 'self-care'.
The emphasis given here to the cultural forces that are inciting of the
consumption of substances is significant, for perhaps the most important first
consideration for persons who want to change their relationship with a substance
is to have an appreciation of what they will be up against in pursuing that
ambition. If it is a person's conception that breaking from an addiction and/or
the excessive consumption of substances is principally a matter of refusing
pills, stepping back from the bottle, or disposing of the needles, they are very
likely setting themselves up for an experience of humiliating failure
that will be further complicating to their lives. With
this conception, there is a high risk of their good intentions turning sour very
rapidly. With this conception, a person will be unaware of what they are letting
themselves in for in making such a decision, and will not have the opportunity
to adequately prepare for their separation from addiction and/or the excessive
consumption of substances.
It is not just the cultural forces that are inciting of the consumption of
substances that persons are up against in their desire to change their
relationship with substances. And it is not just throwing off the weight of the
history and the traditions of the culture of consumption that is required. For
most persons, changing one's relationship with substances requires a break from
much of one's life as it is known. It is to break from a familiar sense of being
in the world. It is to break from certain ways of relating to one's own life and
to the lives of others. And, for many, it is to break from familiar networks of
people.
Breaking from addictions and/or the excessive consumption of substances
usually requires a very major life shift - something akin to a migration of
identity, an act of intentionally leaving one's life behind in order to make a
new life for oneself. Pursuing a desire to revise one's relationship with a
substance sets a person on a journey, and leaving the territory of life that one
has long inhabited is the first stage of this journey. This departure is not
accompanied by simultaneous arrival in some other territory of life in which the
person finds a place of their own. In departing from the known, a person does
not step into another known. This departure is an exit into the unknown. Persons
can only be certain of the general direction. But they will remain uncertain
about how far they must travel, and what will become of them along the way.
A rite of passage
I often invoke the rite of passage metaphor when I'm consulted by persons who
want to break from an addiction and/or from the excessive consumption of
substances. Following van Gennep (1960) and Turner (1969), three stages to rites
of passage can be discerned. First is the separation phase, at which a
person breaks from their life as they know it. This marks the beginning of the
journey. Second, there is the liminal phase. This is a 'betwixt and
between' phase, in which one's familiar sense of being in the world is absent,
and where nothing means quite what it did before. This phase is invariably
characterised by periods of disorientation and confusion, and times of
significant despair. Third, there is the reincorporation phase.
Reincorporation is achieved when a person finds that they've arrived at another
place in life, where they experience a 'fit' that provides for them a sense of
once again being at home with themselves and with a way of life. At this time,
persons regain a sense of being knowledged and skilled in matters of living.
Work that is informed by the rite of passage metaphor provides persons with a
general map of the experiences that are to be expected in breaking from
addiction and/or excessive consumption of substances. This map that emphasises
the phases of separation, liminality, and reincorporation is often an invaluable
aid to journeys that can be fraught. This map provides persons with a general
guide through the territories that lie ahead. It provides persons with a basis
for predicting the experiences that are to be had. It informs persons in the
preparations that must be made ahead of departure. Without a map to assist
persons in this way, there is a significantly greater risk that they will turn
back before completing the journey.
Before taking a first step in this migration of identity, in the lead up to
the separation phase, work can be done to identify all of the forces that the
person will be challenging in this step, and the full significance of this as a
migration of identity can be explored. A fuller appreciation of these forces and
of the significance of this migration contributes to establishing a greater
readiness for the journey. However, despite the close attention to this, whether
or not all of these forces have been sufficiently identified, and whether or not
an adequate grasp of the significance of this migration has been achieved,
cannot be determined ahead of departure - there is always a strong possibility
that the person will turn back.
As well as the attention that is given to preparations for the separation, it
is important to engage in some predictions of the experiences that are to be had
in the liminal phase - the betwixt and between that is characterised by
significant periods of confusion and disorientation, and at times by despair and
desperation - and in making preparations that will assist persons to
see these experiences through to reincorporation.
Immediately prior to stepping into these journeys, and as they are taking
their first steps, persons frequently feel their spirits rising with the new
hopes for a life differently lived. However, following this, persons invariably
find themselves crashing into a trough of confusion and despair. This is usually
interpreted as a physiological phenomenon, one that is associated with
withdrawal of the substance. However, although this physiological phenomenon is
usually significant, this does not entirely account for this crash. In stepping
into this journey, persons are breaking from the known, detaching from a
familiar sense of the self, and they suddenly find themselves at a loss to know
how to deal with the world. If persons do not understand this experience in the
context of the liminal phase of the journey, it will be read as regress. Under
these circumstances, with hopes not initially realised, life under the thrall of
addiction and/or the excessive consumption of substances will often become a
more attractive proposition than perseverance in efforts to revise one's
relationship with these substances.
Although considerable attention is given to the mapping of this journey, and
to preparations for the separation, liminal and reincorporation phases, it is
important that persons understand that turning back remains a distinct
possibility. There are ways of understanding this turning back, and preparing
for this eventuality, that don't construct this as failure, that don't
contribute to that 'back to square one' experience that is shaming of persons
and that is so undermining of hope and of future efforts. Turning back can be
understood as the outcome of an insufficient appreciation of the forces that are
inciting of the consumption of substances, of gaps in the preparations made for
sustaining one though the rigours of the liminal phase, and so on. It can also
be understood that all attempts at migrations of this sort contribute to the
development of knowledges and the skills of the sort that are necessary for the
successful completion of the journey, and that these will contribute to persons
being better prepared on future attempts.
Other maps
It is often helpful to provide persons with maps of the journeys made by
others. Although these other maps will not accurately represent the specific ups
and downs to be experienced by the person who is undertaking preparations, it
none-the-less provides the person with some account of what it is that is ahead
of them, and provides some guide to these preparations. These other maps also
provide a measure of reassurance to persons when in the liminal phase and
finding themselves in a trough of confusion and despair - this was only to be
predicted, and others have been there, survived this, and have gone onto better
things.
Apart from the provision of maps of similar journeys, there is the option of
inviting others along for a meeting or two with the purpose of interviewing them
about their experiences of migration. There is much to be learned in these
interviews: what it is that has sustained others through the liminal stage,
including the specific knowledges and skills that are relevant to this, the
affiliations and circumstances or structures that provided necessary support,
and so on. These can be interviews of persons who have undergone various
migrations - geographical, national, cultural, and, of course, migrations of
identity in relation to breaking from addiction and/or the excessive consumption
of substances. It can be particularly helpful to interview persons who undertook
a migration only to turn back and then to again retrace their steps at a later
time, this time completing the journey. Often those who are interviewed in this
way make themselves available as a source of support and encouragement to the
persons who are about to embark on this journey.
The information gathered in these interviews can significantly inform a
person's preparations for their journey. These interviews also have the effect
of stimulating their ingenuity and the expression of some of the knowledges and
skills, relevant to transitions in life, that can be traced through their own
personal history. Further explorations of these traces can render these
knowledges and skills more richly described, and thus more available to be
expressed in the preparations for
the migration of identity, and through the liminal phase.
Formalising the rite of passage
The formalisation of this rite of passage is helpful. A forum can be
established in which the person publicly announces, before assembled witnesses,
their decision to break from the addiction and/or excessive consumption of
substances. Here, the person can speak to their understanding of the forces that
they are up against in succeeding with this decision, and can share their
appreciation of the significance of the proposed journey as a migration of
identity. The hazards and the insecurity associated with this migration can be
drawn out. The preparations for the journey can be outlined, along with the
skills and knowledges that are available to the person in navigating this
transition. The assembled witnesses then contribute to a powerful acknowledgment
of all this, in part achieved by a series of retellings of what has been heard.
This is an acknowledgment that is significantly authenticating of the person's
decision to undertake this migration, of the purposes, hopes and commitments
that this decision speaks to, and of the courage, determination, knowledges and
skills that will be required in the successful conclusion of the journey. At
this time, these witnesses usually volunteer those resources that might be at
their disposal, and that might contribute to sustaining the person through the
liminal phase.
It can also be helpful to plan,- in advance, for a ritual celebration that
will mark the person's arrival at the phase of reincorporation - when the person
will have begun to experience some sense of familiarity with other ways of being
in the world, when they will again have a sense of 'being at home' in the world,
but in a different place. The shape of the proposed celebration can be worked
out, and a guest list can be established. Guesses can be made about the sort of
stories that the person might tell of their journey, and about the sort of
declaration that the person will make about their arrival at a different place
in life.
Alcoholics Anonymous: a structured rite of passage
In the above discussion I have invoked the rite of passage metaphor and
provided some ideas about how this can be taken up in assisting persons to
revise their relationship with substances. Upon reviewing what I have written
here, I found myself reflecting on what has become a particularly well
established approach to addressing addictions and/or the excessive consumption
of substances that is structured as a rite of passage - Alcoholics Anonymous
(AA). Although the ideas that I have discussed in this paper are not directly
informed by AA, and although many of the ideas and practices of narrative work
directly contradict many of the ideas and practices of A A, I never-the-less
have a strong respect for AA, one that now stretches back over two and a half
decades. I will here share some of these reflections, doing so in the context of
an acknowledgment that I cannot claim an insiders knowledge of this system.
I believe that the originators of Alcoholics Anonymous had great vision, and
a profound understanding of the significance of rites of passage. At the centre
of A A is a ritual event that provides for a formalisation of the stages of
separation and reincorporation, and for a marking of the turning points of
person's lives. This is accompanied by the convening of forums that provide the
opportunity for persons to give testimony to the decisions that they have made
to break from excessive alcohol consumption, to the desires and purposes that
motivate these decisions, and to tell and retell the stories of their lives
before a group of witnesses, many of whom are veterans of such journeys. In this
context, the responses of the witness group are powerfully acknowledging and
authenticating of these decisions, desires, purposes and stories. As these
decisions and stories, and these accounts of desire and purpose, become more
richly described, they become more influential - they are more significantly
shaping of persons' lives.
There is also so much about AA that provides a great deal of sustenance to
those who are navigating the liminal phase of this journey. There is a buddy
system that provides the traveller with intimate support, and a concerned
community of fellow travellers who share the maps, the knowledges, and the
skills that are specific to journeys of this kind. The structure of AA builds in
frequent opportunities for travellers to give voice to the trials and
tribulations of these journeys, and for them to experience continuing
acknowledgment of the different struggles that they find themselves engaged in.
AA's responses to persons who turn back to the bottle are generally
compassionate rather than judging. This is an antidote to the demoralising sense
of personal failure that is so often occasioned by such U-turns, and keeps the
door open on options for persons to try again, and yet again. In response to
these U-turns, the AA community just goes on reaching out. This is a reaching
out by persons who have 'been there', and who have a strong appreciation of the
desperation that is experienced
in this struggle.
In terms of explanation for why it is that persons break from substance
abuse, AA privileges notions of conscious purpose, commitment, and
calling. In privileging these notions, and in not joining with the contemporary
habit of psychologising motives for action, AA assists persons to resist turning
their lives over to the knowledges of the professional disciplines - the
understanding of what it is necessary to understand does not require a
submission to the 'expert' knowledges. In evoking notions of conscious purpose,
commitment and calling, AA emphasises ways of life that are guided by personal
ethics,
formulated and re-formulated time and time again through tellings and
re-tellings in a concerned community.
Alcoholics Anonymous, in the journey that it structures, in the
understandings that it emphasises, and in its actual practices, has clearly had
a positive impact on the lives of so many persons.
Community responses
In that contemporary culture is a culture of consumption, and in that there
is an ever increasing range of substances available to us, it should not be so
surprising that addiction and/or the excessive consumption of these substances
is so prevalent, and that this is destroying the lives of so many persons,
traumatising of their families, and wreaking havoc in our communities. In view
of the burgeoning nature of this situation, I believe that it is unrealistic to
expect that individual therapeutic responses will ever be able to respond
adequately. The need for organised community responses is urgent.
Alcoholics Anonymous provides a community response that has assisted many
persons. But, despite its success, there are many persons for whom it doesn't
fit at all well. How can this fact play a part in encouraging us to join
together in the exploration and development of other community approaches to
assist persons to break from addictions and/or the excessive consumption of
substances? Perhaps some of these explorations could be informed by alternative
applications of the rite of passage metaphor.
Note
1. This piece began its life as an interview of Michael White by David
Denborough. David's thoughtful questions, and his responses to an
earlier draft contributed much to the shaping of what is written here. I would
also like to acknowledge various people who read earlier drafts
of this paper and offered helpful feedback and comment. In particular I would
like to thank Amanda Kamsler, David Epston and Loretta Perry.
References
Turner, V. 1969: The Ritual Process. New York: Cornell University
Press
van Gennep, A. 1960: The Rites of Passage. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press.
Publisher's Note
Once this publication was almost completed, we realised that we didn't have a
paper discussing issues concerned with community-based programs. We specifically
invited Michael to contribute to this topic. We asked him to make the link
between existing community-based programs and narrative ways of working. This
paper began as an interview and turned into a brief paper. It has been written
with the specific aim of reaching out and generating discussion within the
field. For the next issue we'd be very keen to hear from people whose work is
informed by narrative ideas, and who are working in collective ways on issues
associated with alcohol and other drugs.
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